Excerpts from:

Unconquered Uncontrolled

The Klamath Indian Reservation

By Carrol B. Howe

Page 36: "The first European to penetrate the Klamath Country was the Scotsman Finian McDonald. He proceeded south as far as (Page 37) Chiloquin, then reported back to company headquarters at Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River."

"The next year, 1826, Peter Skene Ogden would depart from the Dalles with a large party to explore the Snake Country. There the Hudson Bay Company party was troubled by the skillful horse thieves of the Snake (Paiute) Indians. Ogden found the region desolate but heavily populated and he wrote:

"It is incredible the number of Indians in the quarter. We cannot

go ten yards without finding them. Huts of a size to hold 6 or 8

persons . . . An old woman camped with us the other night; and her

information have found most correct. From the severe weather last

year, her people were reduced for want of food to subsist on the

bodies of relations and children.

(Page 30) "She herself had not killed any but had fed on two of

"On November 28, Ogden made his first contact with the Klamaths. He wrote:

"They had regretted we opened contact from the mountains. They said, ‘The Nez Perce have made different attempts to reach our village but could not succeed. Even last summer we discovered a war party of Cayuse and Nez Perce in search of us but they did not find us. We have no fire arms. Still we fear them not.’ It is not hard to imagine what a treasure a Hudson Bay Rifle or axe would be in that village.

"When Ogden arrived at the confluence of the Sprague and Williamson Rivers (Chiloquin) he found the Klamaths had already traded beavers with the Williamette Indians but they returned (Page 39) two traps lost by Finian McDonald and traded eight beavers. The principal trading commodity of the Indians – dogs; so many of them that he named the Klamath Lake "Dog Lake."

Page 40: "The Northwest Trading Company after years of fierce competition with Hudson Bay Company was bought out by the latter. Two items originated by Northwest reached the Klamath Country probably as a result of Ogden’s activity.

"The second trader to reach the Klamath Country and engage in trading activity there was Ewing Young in the year 1833.

"Young was known as a master trapper, trader and mountain man. He was the teacher and mentor of another famous (Page 42 – Pictures on Page 41) frontiersman, Kit Carson. While Young played an important part in the history of Oregon his fame did not reach the extent of that of his pupil. Many features in the west are named for Kit Carson; few people even know that Young and his party had a very successful trapping and trading party there in 1833. Apparently Ewing Young’s party was well defended and spent most of the time on the west side of Upper Klamath Lake.

"Martin Frain married a Shasta Indian woman and lived in the Klamath Canyon. Records show that he bought considerable trade goods at King’s store in Yreka. They included beads, traps and cloth. His son, Wren Frain, told me he would get alchochicks (dentalium shell) beads in San Francisco, then take them to the hill above Klamath Falls, where he would send a smoke signal inviting surrounding Indians to come and trade.

Page 44: "Frain’s first trip to the Klamath Country was related by Rachel Applegate Good in her history of Klamath Country:

"Martin Frain with 5 mules laden with beads camped on the

west side of Link River.

"On the opposite bank were camped Modoc, Klamath, Snake

"Archeological evidence indicates that the Modocs did not carry on as much trading with the Europeans as the Klamaths and Columbia River Indians.

"There may be several reasons for this. Studies have shown that the Modoc population was substantially reduced by the time the traders arrived. This could be one reason for the lack of trade goods. Another could be the shortage of beaver habitat in the territory of the Modocs.

"A third possibility would be the disposition of the Modocs and their aggressive attitude toward both whites and surrounding tribes. Geographically more remote from Fort Vancouver they seemed to have carried on more trade with the California Indians in Pre-Columbian times than the Klamaths."

"A Reservation Established"

Page 49: "Two important expeditions were in the Klamath Country in the year 1846. One headed by John Charles Fremont which moved south to take part in the California Bear Flag Revolt. The other, a self-appointed and organized party headed by the brothers Applegate, Jesse and Lindsay, with the purpose of finding a better route for emigrants to enter the Oregon Country and the Willamette Valley; both groups were successful.

"The route southwest from Fall Hall, Idaho, through Nevada and Northeast California has become known as the Applegate Trail. Traveling on this route the weary pioneers who had survived the heat and thirst of the Nevada desert had to cross the territory of the Paiute and fierce Modoc Indians. Either group could sometimes be demanding or hostile.

"An act of cooperation by the Klamaths and the authorities at Jacksonville was evidenced when in 1859 ‘A man named Ledford and four other men were killed by Indians at Racharee Prairie. The Jacksonville people called on La-Lakes, the Klamath village chief, to ascertain who the murderers were and to secure their punishment.’ I am doubtful if the trial and sentencing of the guilty parties would meet the approval of today’s Civil Liberties Union. In any case, according to Rachel Applegate, ‘In obedience to this edict the forceful old chief brought to Jacksonville the heads of three of the offenders.’

(Page 50 – Map of engineer Van Landrum showing Fort Klamath and the Applegate Trail)

Page 51: "Major C.S. Drew in 1863 said that, ‘151 persons had been murdered since 1846 and an estimated three hundred persons had been seriously wounded by Indians in that vicinity.’ He recommended establishment of a military post in that region to protect the travelers.

"Later in 1863 at the request of the Oregon legislature the war department established a military base – strangely enough it ended nowhere near the Applegate Trail. In the competition between the cities of Ashland and Jacksonville for the site selection Drew came down on the side of Jacksonville and Fort Klamath was established in a beautiful well-watered plain nearer (Page 52) to Jacksonville. At this time it seems unfortunate that this site was selected. It was in the center of the homeland of the Klamath Indians, whereas the protection was needed from the Modocs.

(Caption under photo of Fort Klamath on Page 51: Fort Klamath was set in a well watered natural meadow. The buildings were made of lumber and much different from the normal concept of a traditional fort. The military were authorized to leave in 1890 and according to author Buena Stone the property was given to the Indians. She said the lumber used in building the Williamson River church came from the Fort Klamath buildings. The site of the Fort is now a Klamath County Park.

(Caption under photo on Page 52: U.S. Cavalrymen lined up in front of the barracks at Fort Klamath. The use of horses was nearly impossible in the rough terrain of the Modoc Lava Beds. Many Jackson County volunteers as well as soldiers were killed in that unfortunate engagement.)

"Difficult and impassable roads separated it from the Rogue Valley. Then later location of the reservation would cause problems between soldiers and Indians. As the time Fort Klamath was established it was in the political jurisdiction of Wasco County and later Jackson County.

"The civil war was in progress. As a result the personnel at the fort were volunteers, mostly from Jackson County.

"It was later garrisoned by federal troops and new buildings were finished in 1868."

Page 53: "The military base was on the way when in 1864, J.W.P. Huntington, Oregon Superintendent of Indian Affairs, called the Indians of the Klamath region together to negotiate a treaty.

"He called on Captain Lindsay Applegate of Ashland to help negotiate a treaty, then later to act as agent.

"The treaty signing ceremony was an impressive affair. La-Lakes was there. Chocktoot, head of the Yahooskin Snakes band signed and old Sconchin, principal chief of the Modocs. His nephew, Kientpoos, later known as Captain Jack, was also among the twenty-six leaders who signed the treaty. The meetings took place for several days, an assemblage of 1500 to 2000 Indians met about six miles from Fort Klamath. The council members met in a grove of pines about a mile north of the present agency buildings now known as Council Grove.

"The meeting was friendly and the Indians requested that Captain Lindsay Applegate be appointed agent.

"If the treaty signing was impressive the progress of establishment of the Reservation was anything but impressive. Applegate’s appointment did not become confirmed until June of the (Page 54) next year. (1865) In order to prepare for agriculture Applegate and a party left Ashland in May 1866, arriving at the Williamson River on May 12. The Indian residents took apart the wagons and contents to transport them across the Williamson River in canoes. Rachel Applegate said, ‘the Indians cheerfully and enthusiastically (without pay) joined in the building and farming operation; evidently in a holiday spirit.’ Without doubt those who had joined together in hunting, root digging and gathering waterfowl eggs were happy to find a new form of group activity for entertainment.

"She said that the operation of the breaking plow was watched with great interest by Chief Masenkoskit of the Sprague River band.

"The reservation farmer Whitmore said, ‘the vegetables grown that first year were a revelation and delight to the Indians who had previously lived on native roots.’ They were particularly impressed with beets because of the read juice.

"The speed and efficiency of the federal government was apparently not much better at that time than it is today. The treaty was finally approved in 1867. (It is still called the Treaty of 1864).

"A wagon train under Superintendent Huntington left the Dalles in October 1867 bearing the $35,000 worth of provisions promised in 1864.

"Facing into the winter weather and the Paiute Indians who were at war, Applegate asked at Fort Klamath for a military escort.

"He was given a detachment of six men with which to meet the party from the Dalles. Knowing this was inadequate he recruited ’30 picked and fearless men including seven chiefs.’ He organized them in military fashion. They were highly delighted to join in military drill like solders.

"After 400 miles of difficult travel Huntington arrived; a great distribution elated the population of the reservation. Some of the red flannel intended for dresses was made into flags to (Page 55) celebrate the occasion. It was on this trip that the site for the agency was selected, principally because of the spring and the potential for water power.

"The following spring (1868) temporary cabins were built, a dam was placed at the waterfall and a mill race 1500 feet long and 15 feet wide was excavated by Indian labor in four and one-half days.

"Four years after the agency had been established Alfred Meachan, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon reported:

"This Agency has been under the management of Lindsay

Applegate of Oregon – a man who was well qualified by

Nature and long residency on the frontier for the office.

(Page57) "He had taken charge of them when they were

savages and in the short time he was in power advanced

them greatly in civilization."

(Page 56 – Photo caption reads: Allen David, the first officially elected chief of the Klamath Reservation. Originally named Bo-Co-Pa, he was given the anglo name David Allen by Applegate. He immediately reversed the surname to read Allen David. A man of great dignity, David was a great help to Lindsay Applegate.)

"It is easy to imagine the difficulties involved managing an agency which had 26 chiefs to deal with; these not always on the friendliest of terms. Chief La-Lakes of the Klamaths was probably recognized as the most influential. The practice of the U. S. Government in dealing with most Indian Tribes was to recognize a single chief. The job of developing an acceptance of a single elected chief fell upon the shoulders of the younger (Oliver) Applegate. After explaining to him that an elected chief was in the best interest of civilization and good government, La-Lakes reluctantly accepted the idea of an election.

"He was given authority over operation of the ferry as a reward.

"His loyal followers were equally dissatisfied with the election idea. It was finally agreed to hold such an election and the residents were asked to nominate candidates for a single chief to represent all villages. Votes were to be counted as the electors lined up and stood behind their choice.

"There were two candidates for the chieftainship, both able candidates, Henry Blow and Bo-Co-pa. The latter had been given the Anglo-Saxon name David Allen by agent Applegate. He transposed the name and became known as Allen David. (To this day 1991 his descendants go by the surname David)

"Meachan described David as ‘a man of commanding appearance being over six feet tall, a well developed head and withal – highly gifted as an orator and diplomat.’ The election was held at the crossing of the Williamson River. The winner – Allen David by five votes.

"In a display of unity, Blow urged his people to cross over and join the line behind Allen David. I can believe the sigh of relief from Applegate still echoes up the Williamson Canyon.

"A new set of relationships at agency headquarters arose following the Paiute war in 1870. One group of Indians being (Page 58) brought to the newly created Klamath Reservation was a group of Snake Indians who had recently been defeated in a war with General Crook.

"While they were not prisoners, neither were they going by choice to the reservation. A.B. Meachan, who personally took part in the process, wrote:

"The meeting of the Klamaths and the Snakes was of interest

to all parties, from the fact that they had been enemies and

the chiefs had not met in person since peace was restored. The

Klamath people had made (Page 59) camp. The chief first

addressed me, stating that he had heard of me and was anxious

to . . . welcome me to Klamath. I replied by saying, ‘I have

Page 60: "Two years later Meachan returned to Yainax to find 28 log houses occupied by Snake Indians, also comfortable buildings of Government employees on a farm of 300 acres.

"One phase of inaugurating white mans laws on the reservation was the abolishment of an institution centuries old and apparently accepted even by the victims – slavery.

"Rachel Applegate Good, daughter of Captain O.C. Applegate, wrote:

"At the time of the treaty the Klamaths held a number

of slaves of the Pit River tribe. They had been captured

and carried off their native habitat . . . how they were

set free is told by my father . . . ‘The Pit Rivers, mild

and inoffensive to a degree . . . were often imposed

upon by the crafty and warlike Klamaths and Modocs . . .

They even combined raids on them into the Pit River

country, killed without mercy any who ventured to

oppose them and carried away the comeliest of the young

women and most promising children as if they were

legitimate prey. Many of these were kept at home as

concubines or slaves and many were exchanged for

horses, women, furs and other articles of merchandise

with northern tribes. It was the province of the writer

as assistant agent to explain to them their new status

under the treaty had made them people of equal standing

with (other Indians) and they must learn to assume

responsibility . . . That the Moatvas (Pit River tribe)

must have proper representation . . . who will sit in

council and be recognized as a sub chief . . . It was hard

for them to understand their new relations with those

who had so recently dominated them . . . They showed

good judgment in selecting as their chief Pit River Charley,

a young man who was not only intelligent but had a

good deal of native dignity. He did not hesitate to take

his place on (Page 61) the Council and to ably represent

the interests of this people.’"

"Meanwhile Allen David, the elected chief, forcefully took up the causes of his people with Meachan. Allen David said, ‘When you lay down axes, the saws, the iron wedges and the tools you have promised us – when you do all Mr. Huntington promised us in the treaty of 1864, we can go to work like white men, our hearts are tired of waiting for the saw mill . . . we want the flour mill, then we will not live on fish and roots.

"’Give us strong law. We will do what your law says.

"’We want strong law . . . we want to be like white men.’"

"Life on the Reservation"

(This chapter is word for word as published)

Page 63: In 1870 the original Indian agent Captain Lindsay Applegate resigned. By this time it was the U.S. Government policy to appoint military officers to head the reservations instead of civilians. Captain O.C. Knapp replaced Applegate and Allen David, the man who wanted ‘strong law’, resigned. Henry Blow was elected to replace him.

The proximity of Linkville had made it a more convenient trading center than Jacksonville and Knapp appointed Oliver Applegate with a force of 45 Indians to build a road around the steep slope of Modoc Point. Steven Stukel, a soldier who could blow bugle calls, was appointed as the only other white man to assist the leader. (Stukel mountain, near Merrill was named after him.) The discipline in the camp was semi-military and the Indians in the camp were delighted to line up like soldiers before staring to work for the day. They cheerfully completed the job in spite of evening gambling sessions.

Following Knapp a series of Indian agents (later called superintendents) governed the Klamath Agency. Nine different men served before Oliver C. Applegate, son of Lindsay, was appointed in 1898 as superintendent of the agency. He was well qualified as he understood the attitudes of the Indians, could speak their language and certainly was dedicated to their welfare. He employed, as agency farmer, a man named Selden (Page 64) Ogle who had worked for his family at Swan Lake. Ogle had two sons, Charles and Hal, both born on the reservation. It had been the good fortune of the writer to have been friends with both. Charles with his background of ‘hands on’ forestry was legislative representative (lobbyist) for the forest industry at the Oregon State legislature for many years. He has at my request preserved some of his memories in both interview and written form. He wrote of life there:

"Agency government had always tended to be a family affair. The Applegate family name is woven into most every ear of Klamath Agency history. Elishia, Ivan, Lucien and Oliver are all old Applegate names woven into the history of Agency government. The Loosleys: George, Fred and Marion were related by marriage to the Applegates. My father who was the Indian farmer spent most of his early boyhood with the Lucien Applegate family."

Life at the agency required adjustments by both Indians and whites. Those who lived in houses slowly adapted the habits and methods used by the whites. This was particularly true of those Indian women who worked off and on as domestics, in the home of Agency employees. Training at the Agency’s effort for transformation from old ways to the domestic life more compatible with the times and conditions on the Reservation. But many of the older generation . . . had tribal practices less than conflict with tradition. The white youngsters on the Reservation found appeal in the words and dialects of the Indian tribes. They prided themselves in mastery of the language and some of the habits of the prominent of the area. Much of the younger Indian’s vocabulary was picked up from their white elders who had found that use of the native tongue in communicating with the older tribal members gave them a sense of dignity and made them more willing to accept pronouncements which were better understood in the native tongue than if delivered in pigeon English or English or Cayuse. Those officials who adopted the superior attitude and refused to recognize tribal customs and (Page 66) language of the distinct culture had difficulty in communication. A standard ‘no savvy’ from those Indians who did not want to accept an order or explanation had some validity when given to them in other than their own tongue. They might consider it ‘swah wahk.’ Not all Indians lived on their allotments of land on the Reservation. Some of them lived at or near the Agency. The houses for employees at the agency were situated in a row along near the flume which supplied water for drinking and domestic purposes. A road was right in back of the houses and was used for delivery of wood and other supplies that were necessary to transport by wagon. Back of the road were out buildings for each house, in most cases these houses were built out over the edge of the canyon or gully which carried the overflow from Biggs Springs. Further back and across the canyon was the millrace which carried water to the water powered sawmill. Quite a few Indian families built slab lean-too’s or constructed tee-pees along the millrace and they depended upon millrace water for domestic use. From time to time the sanitary problem in Slab Town became acute and the Agent would ask all of the Indians to move. They never made an issue of the order and accepted it as temporary expedient. They gradually drifted back to where the Indian woman would be available when a pale-face woman wanted them to do washing or house work.

The ‘all for one and one for all’ atmosphere which had grown up from tribal deer hunts, fishing trips, wocus gathering and duck egg gathering extended into other fields as well and the Indians were glad to share their bounty with the whites and felt that they had a right to expect the same from their Boston brothers. This atmosphere had been to some extent approved in the granting of allotments, furnishing of stock and a general paternal attitude of the whites toward the Indians. The rules which governed the ownership of property found or sheltered by the reservation, regardless of legal ownership gave the Indian every right to expect that any property on the reservation was (Page 67) the property of the person finding it. This led to a system of protecting property rights which mostly consisted of seeing that everything was under lock and key and safely guarded. Back porch clothes hampers were subject to search and seizure by Indian women who were on the prowl for any times they could use.

One prominent matron was sitting at the noon meal when she heard some one on the back porch. Going to the door she found an Indian woman holding up a pair of her very ample bloomers. By way of explanation the Indian said, ‘Indian want plour sack.’ It took considerable explanation and a conventional ‘plour sack’ to convince the Indian that the white things she was holding could be better used for something other than containers for wild plums or wocus seed.

The Indians did little to improve the sanitary conditions at the Slab Town camp during their residence there. In the spring they gathered young geese and goose eggs in the marshes. They finished hatching the eggs by keeping them warm and in the end assembled quite a gaggle of geese. As the wing feathers grew out they would cut them so the geese could not fly away and the half-grown and older geese made quite a mess in their marshes around Slab Town. As they began to wander into Agency property the geese and Indians would be ordered to move. After they left the Agency employees with the help from the boys at school would pile up the remains and debris and burn it.

In the Indian code the orders of one agent or other employees of the Agency became null and void when that agent or employee was removed and a new one came in to take his place. That’s when Slab Town huts were torn down and destroyed by one agent, they were quickly rebuilt when a new authority arrived on the scene. When Washington removed an agent, according to the Indian mind, Washington also reputed all of the agents rules and regulations and general laws he was called upon to enforce.

(Page 68) Ogle said, "Indian Police found it dangerous to arrest offenders of a tribe who, while not actually at war, were very much opposed to policies of the administration or the particular tribe or clan to which the policeman belonged."

One such case which resulted in the death of an abler Indian officer was described by Ida Odell. Ida Momyer Odell was the daughter of H. Momyer, who was the official agency trader, (Page 69 – Photo of Ida Odell on Page 68) during the same time Charles Ogle and O.C. Applegate lived at the agency. She told me "that the Indians had a great deal of respect for the Indian Police engaged in law enforcement." Without doubt agency officials were glad to have this help when the occasion required it. "One such officer," Ida related, "was John Wesley. He had been named probably by some missionary preacher after the Englishman who founded the Methodist Church. John was a deeply religious man. He was also a member of the reservation police force and a crack shot with a rifle. One time the sheriff of the county followed a horse thief, a white man, onto the reservation and it was Federal Territory. In order to legally arrest the man if they caught him he had to call upon the assistance of the reservation police and John Wesley was detailed to accompany him. They overtook the man near the northern end of the reservation, but as he was well mounted they had difficulty in getting near enough to him to place him under arrest. Finally the sheriff told John to shoot the thief’s horse and John protested strongly. ‘Why shoot the horse,’ said he, ‘the horse did not steal.’ However, the sheriff insisted so John shot the horse and they arrested him."

Another enforcement problem was recorded by Mrs. Odell in the case of Jonah. "Jonah had been ‘the bad man’ of the reservation. After repeated misconduct he had left the reservation, distressing and annoying the white families in the Valley. Dave Hill, an Indian of great dignity, respected and liked by whites and Indians, both, was a member of the Indian police force and had been sent out after Jonah. The two Indians met at Barclay Springs, barely off the reservation. This was a favorite camping place for Indians while fishing in the lake. Without warning Jonah drew his gun and killed Dave. Jonah was captured and tried in the Circuit Court, convicted of murder and given a life sentence in the state penitentiary where he died of tuberculosis within a couple of years. The state buried him. Some three weeks after he commenced his peaceful rest in a Salem grave, his relatives obtained permission from the state to bring (Page 70) the body home for interment in their own cemetery. When the coffin arrived, the body was taken out and Jonah was given one of the few baths of his life, dressed, put in a new coffin, drenched with perfume and Florida water, cozily tucked in with silks and then the coffin was sealed. When we reached Jonah’s house the old coffin was setting outdoors among the pines, resting on planks setting on saw-horses. It was draped in more gaudy silks and silk kerchiefs and the scent of perfumes and Florida water permeated the surrounding.

Hundreds of Indians had gathered under the pines and were sitting in a ring surrounding the coffin. Old women were swaying as they sat and chanted the death wail. This is indescribably san and mournful and one heard is never forgotten. Later we heard it many times, as there was always an Indian camp across the little ravine behind the row of Agency houses. Whenever a tribal member died and the squaws of this camp learned of it, they wailed and moaned all night. Often before the Indians would come to the store for supplies we would hear the death wail float across the canyon and be prepared for funeral business. This chant rises and falls, now loud and rebellious in sound, again plaintive with a note of resignation. An Indian noted for his eloquence talked at great length bringing groans and sighs.

Our Indians, and I believe, other tribes did not use the name of the dead in their funeral orations. They believed that every time the name was used after death the spirit of the departed was tied that much longer to earth. Some years ago I went to the funeral of Bill Crawford, Wade’s father. Clayton Kirk, a Carlisle graduate, gave the funeral oration. Never once in the long recital of Billy’s many kindnesses and charities to his fellow tribesmen was his name mentioned, but reference was always made to ‘this man.’"

The provision of a proper funeral was a major commitment for Modoc and Klamath Indians. The strong belief in the return of the spirit or ghost if such funerals were not provided caused (Page 72) much concern for the survivors. Belief in spirits or ghosts may still exist but mention of the name of the deceased is permissible.

The Paiute method of disposal was entirely different according to Peter Skene Ogden. He wrote on May 23, 1926: ‘We saw the corpse of an Indian lying on the plains. The Snake Indians have a mode of burying their dead different from all other natives I know of. Where he falls is where he is allowed to remain without a grave or covering, a feast for the wolves and crows nor is there any ceremony to observe their grief of long duration. How pleasant it must be to part with our friends. Certainly the Snakes have it over us in this respect.’

Ogle explained: ‘It would be difficult for a person accustomed to today’s convenience’s and economy to full appreciate the way of life of both Indians and whites about 1900. That is, it would be difficult unless they had lived in both periods. There was no great variety of canned goods and what there was looked upon as an almost certain source as ptomaine poison unless the contents of the can were removed from the can immediately. Even then there were doubts. There were no refrigerators, no freeze dry, no home facilities for keep meat unless it was smoked. Venison was most often made into jerky after a few choice cuts had been cooked and eaten. The jerky would keep indefinitely and took the place of "all day suckers" which had not yet been invented. Fresh milk was kept in the spring house or the cellars and at best would stay fresh for two days. There was no evaporated milk but we did get Eagle Brand condensed milk on occasion. Fruit was brought into the Agency from Ashland and it took two and one half days to make the trip over Dead Indian Road to Fort Klamath. Needless to say it was only solid fruit such as apples and pears which stood the trip without damage. The constant juggling in an axle wagon would ruin berries on the first day. The fruits at the agency were wild plums, wild coke cherries and wild strawberries. There were some elderberries which were made into jelly. The Indians and some of the white population made the trip to Huckleberry (Page 73) Mountain every fall and brought back great quantities of huckleberries. As prices began to rise and Indian woman began asking $.50 a gallon for those most of the whites ceased canning. An Indian woman would pick 5 gallons of berries in a day and this brought her $2.50 per day. This was as much as most of the skilled help at the Agency received. Of course not all of the Indian women could pick 5 gallons in a day but many of them could. Celia, who did our laundry on occasion, often brought us a 5 pound lard pail full of what is called ipos. We ate them much as we would eat peanuts. I have seen different spellings and pronunciations for this tasty Indian food and most modern authorities call it "apaw." However it is pronounced the flavor is delicious. Celia also brought in a bucket of camas bulbs for variety and we laughed when we bit off too large a portion, as this concluded with the smile, "bit off more than he could chew," originated with the Indians. For a modest bite of camas root will quickly grow in the mouth with proportions too cumbersome to chew. The taste greatly resembles that of water chestnuts but as chewing progresses the volume more than doubles.

Trying to convince the Indians that the whites were trying to show them a better way of life was not easy. The Indians could draw certain parallels between the mode of living of whites and what they had been doing for centuries. The Indians dried wild plums, chokecherries, serviceberries, and huckleberries; they dried fish and made jerky from venison. They domesticated ducks and geese for a winter food source and dug roots and tubers from the ground to be stored for off season use. Wocus seed was dried and made up as a main cereal staple. I’ve eaten parched wocus seed with cream and sugar and while I cannot guarantee the vitamin and iron content, I can say it tastes better than some of the highly touted brands of grain products now on the market. For centuries the Indian had been going where and when nature had prepared the foods for his sustenance, but when another tribe or whites sought to deny him the (Page74) right to seek food in one or another of natures storehouses he fought to preserve them. It was hard for him to comprehend that the government had restricted his rights to the point that it was unnecessary for him to depend upon his own labor to provide what nature had so generously given him in the past. To further complicate matters the Klamath Indian Reservation was not one which could be readily converted to an agricultural economy. The variety of products which could be grown at over 4000 foot elevation was limited. This area had been preserved for the Indians because of its welcome natural food and not to convert it to another economy. Plenty of wild hay was available for cutting and for pasture but the planting and harvest of grain aid supplemented took Indians away from harvest of natural foods, which came on at the same time. The natural foods generally won out. The Indian farmer saved some of the hay crops by using Indian school boys who had been denied the privilege of accompanying elders to the Huckleberry patch, but most of them were lost due to neglect."

Ogle: "All in all adoption of white customs, foods, and living conditions by the Indians was more on the basis of, ‘in addition to’ rather than ‘in place of.’ Indian tee-pees were common place besides more sophisticated houses and the smoke from an outdoor cooking fire often mingled with that of an indoor stove. Doors and windows were optional and it was not uncommon to see doors taken off and blankets substituted. This allowed for a freer flow of family members and domestic animals who apparently demanded equal rights. Indians accustomed to tribal living and primitive living conditions were not prone to furnish quarters for domestic animals. They were great lovers of dogs and horses but expected them to fend for themselves as they had for centuries. Some of them kept chickens or at least tolerated them and the hazards they encountered prevented them from being tolerated for too long. They roosted in brush and trees and were subject to attack by owls, hawks, weasels, and skunks. The dogs, and there were many, were too busy (Page 75) trying to chew a living out of the cast off deer heads, feet and entrails to pay any attention to predators. Having to share their meager fair with the chickens probably did not heighten their sense of responsibility for their fellow domestics safety. Observers during the early days of conversion to domesticity would probably see a house without doors or windows. Barnyard animals would be all over the place without any barn or barnyard. The most outstanding features on the animals would likely be the prominent heads and long shaggy hair.

In many cases Indians wore several layers of Boston, white man’s clothing, over traditional Indian wear. Much of the every day surplus clothing issue was of military uniforms and it was not unusual to see an Indian with long braided hair wearing a somewhat dilapidated, but still serviceable, coat from a dress blues uniform. The remains of several layers of other clothing was sometimes plainly visible under the unbuttoned military garb. Young Indians attending school were under threat of losing cash allotments, land and clothing unless they accepted the white man’s rules.

The result was an inevitable period of backsliding within a short time after completing the course in white man’s culture. Indians from mixed white and Indian parents had an example on one side of the value in adoption of white mans customs, but some instances nearly indicated that the old ways were better. Whites who married Indian women in order to take advantage of the allotments of land which might be available to the wives and offspring of such a union were not generally of the higher types in the white population. They were inclined for the most part to go native rather than assume the roll of instructor and helper to the tribe of their Indian wives.

Trying to substitute a paternalistic attitude on the part of Agency employees with a bounty so generously bestowed by nature had its drawbacks and required a certain amount of effort which seemed to the Indian man would be impossible or unnecessary. On the other hand the bounty which had been (Page 77 – Page 76 has ‘The Spring is Tsu’am’ written by Jim Rodgers – see end of excerpts.) prepared by nature and probably would be for centuries to come was readily at hand for the taking. One of the principal staples in the Indian diet was fish. All of the lakes and streams in the Klamath Basin teemed with several varieties. Those found in greatest numbers and most easily caught were the suckers and mullet. When they arrived in the spring, Indians encamped along water ways where they were spawning and caught and dried enough for the ensuing year. Some suckers were available in streams and lakes on the Reservation, but the easiest caught were off the Reservation and it was necessary for Indians to get a pass to leave Reservation boundaries. One of the best fishing streams was Lost River where the mullet were land locked and easily landed."

In reading the history of the Klamath Indian Reservation we find that the philosophy
of agents who were put in charge of the Reservation from time to time varied according to the background of the individual. Agents who were church men or (Page 79 – Page 78 Photo of five of the original treaty signers.) missionaries tended to be compassionate and understanding of Indian reluctance to change. This attitude and the troubles which sprung there from generally resulted in his removal by government which demanded a sterner attitude. He was then replaced with an agent with a much firmer approach to domestication of the Indian. After a short period of such pressure it was customary for the Indians to send a delegation to Washington in protest. It was not only good for the pendulum to swing to the more passive attitude as a result and a new agent with new ideas would take the helm. This hot and cold attitude did little to assure a progressive program and the Indians took full advantage of playing Washington D.C. against the local administration. Not all Indians are agreed on the diplomatic approach and this kept residents of the Agency on edge for fear that some of those who advocated direct action might run amuck and do them bodily harm. In my own experience I saw the change from the benign administration of O.C. Applegate to the more exacting one of Horace G. Wilson. The Captain went about his duties with a smile on his face and wished to be all things to all people. He met and talked to Indians in their own tongue which avoided the danger of some of the meetings being lost in interpretation. He would champion the cause of any Indian at the expense of a white. Wilson, on the other hand, was uncompromising and hard in his approach to disciplinary problems and carried a loaded revolver at all times. His attitude was calculated to cause trouble and frequently did. Problems which might have resulted in a serious confrontation between Wilson and the Indians were avoided when Washington awarded Wilson for his stern approach by giving him an important Interior Department post with offices in Roseburg.

Most of the Indian boys on the Reservation were natural athletes but they resisted any systematic training regimen. The result was a lack of consistency on the portions of individuals or teams. Some developed into fine athletes and played baseball and basketball with marked success. One Indian baseball team (Page 80) with such outstanding ball players as Al Lynch, pitcher; Leonard John, Jim Wilson, Edwin Wilson and other members of their class could always be depended upon to beat the all white team of Klamath Falls. Lynch was a left handed pitcher and played barehanded. It was worth going to a ball game to see him reach out with his bare right hand and catch a line drive toward the pitchers box.

Young Indian men were natural horsemen and made spectacular rides in rodeos. They trained Indian ponies to run and in the less sophisticated races for saddle horses were regular saddles and equipment. They had considerable success. Unfortunately, their loyalty to their blood led them to make mistakes in judgment and would bet heavily on horses or riders through a sense of duty. Taking advantage of this, some white (Page 81) man often ran in a ringer in order to clean up on the unsuspecting natives.

Some Indian boys were good runners and their fond parents would back them to the limit of their finances at Klamath County Fairs and 4^th of July celebrations. A man by the name of Jessie Cravens was one of the best foot racers in the Klamath area and after he had beaten all comers for several years, and not only won the stake money but many side bets, it was hard to get anyone to run against him. One year the famed Jessie, apparently tired of running against such poor competition, failed to show up and the Indians were jubilant. Different factions bet heavily on their favorites to win. Just before staring time deadline an old fella with a long gray beard asked if he could run. He was told he could if he put up the money which he did. Everyone laughed at the drunken clown and considered his entry a big joke till he went to the starting line and dropped his blue denims displaying running trunks and took a pair of spiked shoes from his pockets. As he pulled into the final few yards looking over his shoulder at the present competition the mother of one of the local favorites cried out, ‘I know you now, damn you, Jessie Cravens, hiding behind those whiskers.’

At this point in time it would be hard to say whether religious training helped outstanding Indian characters on the Reservation to become prominent and respected members of the tribe, or whether being of superior intellect and of high moral character they naturally drifted into church work. Be that as it may most of the leaders among the Indians had embraced Christianity. Jessie Kirk and Jack Palmer were ministers and also leaders who had considerable influence with both Indians and whites. It was natural that the rank and file of Indians on the Reservation, being used to the demonstrative incantations of Indian rituals, should prefer the religious ceremonies most closely resembling traditional Rollers. As a result, there was a time during the transition from native rites to Christianity when the Holy Rollers had quite a following. Despite that several of the (Page 82) Indian agents were missionaries probably had little to do with the Indians embracing Christianity. An agent was supposed to regiment the domestic activities in what amounted to captives did not get much co-operation when he asked them to voluntarily give up another established Indian custom and voluntarily commit their souls to foreign god.

The history which deals with the leader on the Klamath Reservation would indicate that the shaman lost out to the new religion because some of the more intelligent members of the tribe could see the personal advantage of being leaders in this new field. However, it must be admitted that ministers who were not administrators provided a more neutral atmosphere where natives could calmly evaluate the respective merits of the old and new gods.

One such minister was a man by the name of Beatty. The town of Beatty was named for him. Beatty had two grown daughters and during the spring and summer months the family spent much time at Spring Creek fishing. Each season he built a smoke house out of wooden barrels which were connected to a small fire by stove pipe. The Beatty’s would smoke several hundred pound of trout in this equipment and have plenty of fish for winter use. I well remember going to Spring Creek fishing with my father and taking time out to watch the operation of Beatty’s smoker. It is hard to say which I enjoyed most, samples of delicious smoked trout or the sight of those trout lying on the bottom of Spring Creek under 10 or 15 feet of water. Also of interest were the hoards of mares eggs on the bottoms of this ice cold stream.

As one time, Captain O.C. Applegate received a letter from Joaquin Miller, Poet of the Sierras, that he would be coming to the Agency and would recite some of this poetry to an assembled group if the Captain could arrange it. Wood was gathered for a big campfire in the grove of trees between the agents house and the big spring and everyone was notified by word of mouth when the event would take place.

(Page 83) Miller arrived at the appointed time and after dinner that night everyone at the Agency gathered in the grove where the bonfire had been prepared. Captain Applegate was in his glory and took an unusually long time to introduce the distinguished guest. At last the stage was set and the Poet of the Sierras got ready to recite. Hardly a verse had been delivered when there was a blood curdling yell and Indian Polly rode her horse through (Page 84) the group of assembled whites and jumped her horse over the bonfire. By the time she had turned the horse for another run there was not a man, woman or child to be seen. In a surprisingly short time all were in their own homes behind locked doors or were hiding in some friends home closer to the scene of the Indian attack than their own.

Indians loved to work, hunt or play cooperatively in groups but they could also exert cruel peer pressure to achieve cooperation as in the case of John Smiley. Ida Odell said:

"One Indian who also always wore a smile was ‘Old John

Smiley’, but John’s smile was a fixed facial disfigurement.

He was a quiet, taciturn little man who did not join in the

merry groups, always hovering around the big stove in the

center of the store. Always with that frozen grin on his face

he would make his purchases and go his way. One after-

noon when he had been here and gone Billy Crawford told

me that during the Modoc war John, who must have been

a Modoc, was in the cave with the other warriors and was

arguing against the war. A fire was burning against the rock

wall of captain Jacks cave and John’s bare back was exposed

to this fire. The angry Indians were prodding him in front

nearer and nearer to the fire with pointed sticks. When he

finally agreed to go along with them he had been severely

burned and Billy said Smiley’s back was a mass of scars.

This probably had nothing to do with his facial contortion."

One wonders how many stories such as this have never been told."

"The writer had the rare opportunity of getting an Indian view of life on the reservation through the kindness of Linda Jiminez Schonchin who arranged an interview with her mother Ima Lotches Jiminez; among her observations: "No one was ever (Page 85 – Page 85 Photo of Ima Lotches Jiminez and Linda Jiminez Schonchin) allowed to go hungry as all would share any food that was available."

"In a culture that had no written language, one method of preserving the way of life was described by Mrs. Jiminez who said that children would be called into the winter house where food had been prepared on the fire in the center of the dwelling. As the children were eating the women would tell them stories. The grandmother was also a key person in teaching morality and discipline. Those who were acquainted with the old Indian ladies without exception described them as lovable and delightful companions. One friend said the main problems of law and order were because of the diminishing role of the grandmother. Ima had no complaint about the role of women in the family relationship. She said women would take the dugout canoes out from the mouth of the Williamson River then cross the Klamath Lake and trade baskets for sugar and coffee from the tourist center at Harriman Lodge. Jack Linman said the Indian ladies were also active in trading fish for tobacco with the boat crewmen at the Williamson River mouth. He said the women were quite dignified and not intimidated.

"Nelson Reed wrote the story of an encounter his father had with an Indian lady which illustrates her independent nature:

"Back in the summer of 1911 when there was an Indian fishing

village at the mouth of Williamson River, and you could smell

the rack of drying fish a mile down wind, my father, my brother

and I were trolling for those five or six pound rainbows that were

more than plentiful those days and hoping for a fifteen or

twenty pound Goliath which was not uncommon.

"We had come out west from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania for a

summer vacation and had been spending the past month at Eagle

Ridge Tavern on Upper Klamath Lake, boating, fishing and

hunting digger squirrels with a twenty two and killing an

occasional rattlesnake. This was to be our last fishing trip on

the Williamson before going back home to school.

"As we rowed slowly up the river trolling the old reliable ‘wilson

wobbler,’ we passed close by an old Indian squaw paddling a

dugout canoe; the stout handline held in her upper paddle hand

while she smoked a pipe. My father who collected Indian

curiosities, immediately noticed that her pipe was made of

redstone, most unusual for this part of the country.

"’Reel in, turn around and row alongside that old squaw,’ my

dad directed me. So I pulled slowly alongside of her while my

father began to bargain with her for that redstone pipe. At

first the old gal said nothing and we thought that she didn’t

speak English. ‘Never underestimate a silent Indian’ we

discovered.

"My dad told her he would like to trade her the coat and pants

he had on for her pipe. That we were leaving the country

next day and that if she would paddle over to Eagle Ridge

Tavern, he would give her his pants and coat for the redstone

pipe. She looked his pants and coat over disdainfully and let

him have it. ‘WHITE MAN KLAMATH FALLS THROW

AWAY,’ she said in no uncertain voice.

"For several years thereafter whenever my mother would

suggest that fathers suit was getting a bit shabby and that he

should visit his tailor, all of us kids would pipe up, ‘WHITE

"Ima Jiminez said that herbs were used for medicine. She remembers that the leaves of mullen were made into a tea while the roots were good for toothache. A man named Knight who (Page 88) lived by the Williamson River told the writer that he was in the Agency hospital very sick and getting no better when two Indian women smuggled in some Indian medicine. He kept it hidden while taking it without letting hospital personnel know. He said he credits it with saving his life although he did not know its contents.

"Mrs. Jiminez knew about some of the legends which concerned animals and geographical places but she was such a devout Christian that she was more interested in telling me about Biblical stories than witchcraft.

"Ogle wrote:

"In general conditions on the reservation were not unlike present

day difficulties and their causes which are plaguing authorities

all over the United States today. One difference, however, all young

"When I interviewed Mrs. Ima Lotches Jiminez, the impression she gave me was quite different. She said that going to school as a girl was a very pleasant experience. Another lady, Mrs. O.T. Anderson formerly of Beatty, was an example of good education. She was dignified, very articulate and showed great concern for the future of her offspring and friends.

(Page 89) "On many occasions young Indians reflected the rebellious

attitude of their elders which made strict supervision at the Indian

school imperative. No Indian boy or girl was allowed outside the

"The attitude of reservation Indians toward white domination in

the late 1800’s and early 1900’s was probably little different

then it had been early in the eighteenth century but the demonstrations

against (Page 90 – Photo of White Cindy) authority were more

restrained. To one who, like myself, was born on the reservation,

the little uprisings and resistance to authority were taken as a matter

of course. But to the adults who often felt that they were sitting

on a powder keg several things were uppermost in their minds. First

was the very limited authority they had to subdue any show of

force by reservation Indians; second, the lack of any practical means

"Reservation life was certainly more protected and pleasant for the inhabitants than in the previous primitive and dangerous days. Regardless of the stated purposes of the Federal Government it resulted in fostering greater and greater dependence rather than in adapting the federal wards to living as an independent people in a twentieth century society. Indian service personnel were trying to get along without enforcing federal regulations rather than disrupting the harmony of their way of life or making waves in the bureaucratic ocean."

"The Termination"

(This chapter is word for word as published)

(Page 93) The year is 1936. I have returned to the Klamath Country with a brand new bachelor degree from the University of Oregon. In order to serve better as principal of the Henley High School I have joined the Henley Grange and can become acquainted with the patrons of this rural district. A Pomona Grange is made up of all the members of this fraternal group who reside in a given county. This meeting is a solemn occasion for it involves the installation of all Pomona Grange affairs. The man who conducts this ritual has memorized every word of the ceremony and conducts the meeting with great dignity. He is a Klamath Indian, Seldon Kirk. He is also chairman of the Tribal Council of the tribe. I marvel at his memory but do not know that our paths will cross again some years later in a cooperative relationship. Seldon Kirk was the son of Jesse Kirk, a Christian minister and a leading tribal member. He had named his son Seldon after Seldon Ogle. Both were boys together at the Applegate Ranch in Swan Lake Valley. Jesse Kirk Sr., like his son also had a remarkable memory. Van Landrum, an engineer and surveyor, said that the senior Kirk had memorized nearly all the numbers on certain section corners which related to reservation properties. Could it be that being a member of a culture that had no written language placed such a responsibility on its (Page 94 – Caption with photo: Seldon Kirk, named after Seldon Ogle, the agency farmer, was for many years chairman of the Tribal Executive Committee. He was opposed to federal termination and greatly grieved by the decision of the members to leave the organization. A man of great intelligence and dignity. Idella Edgar said he was a(l)ways courteous and cooperative in carrying out the duties of his office.) people that a remarkable memory was required or did the Kirks have such keen intelligence that the memory came with it?

The year is 1948. I have again returned to the Klamath Country as Superintendent of the County School system after working in the Oregon State Department of Education. I am determined and a little starry-eyed about improving the quality of education for the Klamath tribal members, having worked with Indian youngsters in public school and having been convinced in anthropology and psychology classes that Indians were no different in potential than European races. One of my objectives was to bring Indian scholarship and achievement to a level with other students in one generation.

Knowing of the advantages and opportunities available on the reservation for tribal members, a program was immediately (Pave 95) formulated to encourage them to utilize available resources. Tom Blackman, Oregon State University’s top agriculture graduate was hired to teach at Bonanza. Charles Steber a skilled Industrial Arts teacher from Stout Institute, was hired to teach at Chiloquin. Stanley Severuk and his wife were to offer a special program in manual arts and homemaking at the school at Sprague River. (Tools and equipment was supplied by Harvey Wright from Federal funds.) Joe Mercer, just out of the Merchant Marines, was hired as principal of the Chiloquin High School in order to improve the attendance and discipline in the school.

It should be noted here that school officials had been criticized by Federal officials and local residents for failure to get more Indian youngsters to achieve high school diplomas. I was one who joined in this criticism as I had become intensely interested in the prehistoric culture of these people as well as in their progress. My incentive was increased as a result of the friendship and stimulation of Harvey Wright who was head of Oregon State Indian Education as well as head of the Governors Committee on Indian Affairs.

Chiloquin residents and Indian leaders, June Poitras and Frank Parker were both helpful in creating a better education climate and results. Wright came down to talk at public meetings and with Indian leaders. Our degree of success, perhaps some improvement, but in my own evaluation unsatisfactory,

I talked with Seldon Kirk about these problems at different times and with other Indians who were school committee members. Seldon really believed in ‘strong law.’ He said when he was a boy that Indian police rounded up truants with a horse and drove them to school with whips. No – Seldon’s recommendation was not tried to enforce attendance. At Harvey Wright’s suggestion and with his finance, two Indians were deputized as sheriffs and employed as special attendance officers. These men may have helped attendance but did not provide incentive.

(Page 96) Tom Blackman said he could not get the Sprague River boys to grow livestock. Their answer – why should I grow livestock. I don’t need the money. Blackman resigned and entered private farm machinery design.

Some Indian parents had difficulty in enforcing family discipline with teenagers who had an independent source of income. In a 1954 report by the state school superintendent records ‘indicate a steady improvement in the first six grades of elementary schools.’ At Chiloquin absenteeism improved form an average of 30 days to 21 days; still a miserable record.

In age groupings in the upper grades and high school conditions on the Reservation are deteriorating. School authorities are alarmed at the increasing absenteeism, drop outs and delinquency of these young people. There were only nine Indian graduates from the three high schools on the Reservation in 1956 and this was the largest graduating class in recent years. According to the state superintendent, ‘Retarded school progress and school drop-outs are the natural results of erratic attendance. The apathy of the family, poor family habits, the don’t care attitude, the great dislike of routine and revolt against taking orders . . . are positive deterrents that prevent Indian students progress. It is quite noticeable that the need for an education for their children is not realized by the family.’

Among the causes for poor attendance – if a carnival came to town or circus, attendance fell off. Hunting and fishing season for Indians, all year. Reservation agency superintendents were sympathetic but so beset with their own problems that they had little interest in school. In general the Indian Service was more interested in trying to get along with the Klamaths than in bringing them into control with the ‘strong law’ that Allen David had requested.

On one occasion when I visited the Reservation headquarters a notice was mounted on the bulletin board pleading for the tribal members to keep their liquor bottles out of sight because Federal agents occasionally visited the Reservation. This was at (Page 97) a time when it was illegal for an Indian to have alcoholic liquor; also, obsolete marriage laws were ignored.

These people who were intelligent and independent soon learned after Federal control was established to work the system and become experts at handling the Federal agents to their own advantage. One agent who brought strong law and enforced the rules and laws was Raymond Bitney. It was not long before the Indians, the merchants, vendors, and many employees were glad to get rid of this advocate of ‘strong law.’ He was removed to another Reservation at Neah Bay. It was not before he had been helpful in getting a matching appropriation for construction of school building to house those living on non-taxable property. (Authors note: No Indian tribal funds were ever used for the construction of school buildings.)

It was during this period of vacillating policy by the U.S. Indian Service that many tribal members wanted out from under Federal control and while Congress made all Indians citizens in 1924, there were many impediments to a normal way of life. A friend of mine, one-fourth Indian and a tribal member who was a graduate of the University of Oregon and employed by a bank, was required to get written permission from the agency in order to sell the products of his own farm. There were cases where creditors of the Indians were told by the authorities, ‘Don’t you know better than to do business with an Indian?’ Such as attitude, of course, had a detrimental effect upon the credit rating of all Indians. By 1954 few of them could borrow money for business investment.

Probably the most devastating influence on American Indian culture anywhere was the effect of alcohol. I, for some years, refused to admit that it affected Indians any differently than anyone else even though I was told by my Indian friends that it affected them differently. I finally came to admit that after a discussion with an Indian grandmother who worked with rehabilitating alcoholic Indians. She said there was a genetic factor that caused them to ‘black out.’ This is to become unconscious (Page 98) of their own acts and while in this state commit criminal acts that they were unaware of after recovering. Crime and alcohol have gone together in white communities but the effect is magnified in Indian relationships, affecting people who have no criminal tendencies or intentions. Crime against fellow family members are too common. Captain Oliver Applegate wrote a poem about an imaginary Indian named ‘Kello’ many years ago. It relates:

"Then when the meal of the morning was o’er, The trapper went forth,

with Kello before; For hours toiled on through pumice and sand till

they came to the border of Oux-ka-nee land; (Klamath marsh land) And

there; ‘mid the pines on an evergreen hill, They looked on a plain,

where a silvery rill Went glancing in sunshine till lost in the cane. An

the trapper well knew the landscape again.

"Now Kello, my friend, said the happy paleface, My tum-tum

(Chinook for heart) is Klose (Chinook for good) toward your

hospitable race; and before we depart – now, let me think – I guess

we’ll together take a jolly old drink. So saying, he lifted a flask from

his side, And down his throat glided a liquid tide. Now, Kello, you

drink, ‘twill do you no harm, make bolder your heart, make stronger

your arm; Take with you the flask, for I can get more, And give to

your braves down on the lake shore. Good-bye, said the stranger,

now soon lost to view in an emerald forest of cedar and yew.

"Now, Kello thought proudly, while retracting his way, But for me

the pale brother would not be live today; I’ve saved the white man;

he would no evil do To one who has proven so loyal and true. And

as he came down toward the green bordered shore, He drank of the

(Page 99) liquid, drank o’er and o’er, Till at last as the shades of

evening came.

"His wild heart was lit with a murderous flame, As he hastened with

faltering steps to the place Where Loena awaited his kiss and

As strange as it seems another event which had a profound effect upon the tribal members was the completion, in the year 1910, of the railroad to Klamath Falls. It pushed on north to a place called Kirk on the reservation. From here the pine timber could be harvested and shipped to market throughout the west. It gave value to a product that previously was not marketable. It also gave tribal members an income distributed through per capita payments that enable the recipients enough to live on without the necessity of searching for the products of nature or holding a steady job. Such a condition allowed them to live in (Page 100) idleness and lose contact with the economic system. Participation required no education or responsibility.

It should not be assumed that all tribal members were idle. Some were remarkably successful in work and business. Idleness was sufficiently widespread that two of the very responsible Indians saw the combined effects of idleness plus alcohol. H.C. Robbins and Sylvan Crume proposed that a portion of the per capital payments should be matched by earned income before payment was made.

The combination of resentment, idleness, and alcohol created a condition on the Klamath Reservation that Federal supervision could not or did not cope with. Seldon Kirk and some other Indian leaders were grieved by this but were unable to exert the controls necessary. Many wanted the Federal strings untied from their lives but were afraid for their future if this occurred. My experience dealing with Federal officials assured me that they taught their wards to fear what the white man would do if Federal protection was removed. Like any good American bureaucracy they were conscious of job protection.

By the year 1950, a large number of Klamath tribe members had moved from the Reservation. They, along with a faction of residents, wanted to be free from government supervision, 705 tribal members lived off of the Reservation.

Their reasons varied. Among them: control of their assets and the increase in births of tribal members diluted the per capita income – and criticism of tribal bodies; such as the loan board and tribal executive committee were among the reasons for dissatisfaction. In 1954, 1163 out of a total of 2,086 were under 21 years of age.

As a local official I attended hearings on the reservation. About the only local public official who actively opposed the termination process was Altha Urquart, head of the county welfare office. She said that it would only be a short time after the per capita payments were discontinued and the Indians had spent funds received from sale of tribal assets that they would (Page 101) be on the welfare rolls. Tribal chairman Seldon Kirk consistently opposed the process and acted very grieved by it but was consistently cooperative in his demeanor.

Surprisingly as it seems there was no inter-tribal conflict between Paiutes, Modocs and Klamaths according to Dibbon Cook, Secretary of the tribe. There was little interest in the tribal affairs among many. They had difficulty in getting enough to attend for a quorum. The meetings were often long and boring, sometimes in three languages. Words were many, actions were few. The leadership involved two, sometimes three factions; one group wanted termination of the reservation and withdrawal of Federal supervision. Files of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs of the House of Representatives reveal that representatives of the Klamath Tribe have journeyed to Washington, D.C. periodically since 1916 to see the lifting of Federal restrictions on the Klamaths and their property,

In one such effort hearings were held by the House Committee in Klamath Falls in Sept. 1947. A house report provided that all restrictions on property and money belonging to the Indians of the Klamath Reservation be removed and all collective or tribal property liquidated and distributed to individuals, and that complete citizenship be conferred on these Indians.

Continued efforts by tribal members and local officials probably resulted in passage of House Concurrent resolution 108, August 1, 1953, which declared it to be the policy of Congress, as rapidly as possible to make Indian subject to the same laws and entitled to the same privileges and responsibilities as are applicable to other citizens of the United States.

The report of the superintendent of public instruction reported:

"Extensive hearing and negotiations were held in connection with

the proposed Klamath termination bills. Two representatives of the

tribal executive committee, as well as a representative of a

significant number of Indians desiring to withdraw completely

(Page 102) from the tribe, were present in Washington when the

Klamath bill was passed.

"The bills originally drafted provided for retention by the tribe of

experts to assist them in working out a plan for management of

tribal property, which was to be turned over to the tribe three years

after the effective date of the act.

"As finally passed, Public Law 587 provided for management

specialists, appointed by the Secretary of the Interior, to work out an

appraisal of the reservation and give members of the tribe the

election to remain in some form of tribal entity to be worked out

later, or withdraw and have their interests in the tribal assets (Page

103) converted into cash and paid to him. A termination period

of four years was established in the final bill. After lengthy

consultation with members of Congress, all tribal representatives

in Washington agreed to the terms of the bill as finally passed,

"Consent of the Executive Committee delegates was facilitated

It should be noted here that the Klamath General Council involved all enrolled members of the tribe (over 1300 people) over 21 years of age or if married 18 years of age. Probably due to the difficulty of getting a quorum of 100 voters the General Council in 1952 delegated broad powers to a committee of eight elected members and the president and secretary of the General Council.

At the most recent election, June 28, 1956, were to have been installed November 30, 1956, at the regular fall meeting of the Klamath General Council. However, a quorum failed to appear. The newly elected officers were: President, Seldon Kirk; Vice-President, Jesse L. Kirk; Secretary, Dibbon Cook; Treasurer, Boyd Jackson; Sergeant at Arms, Isom Mitchell. Executive Committee, in addition to the president and secretary of the General Council: Jesse L. Kirk, Delford Lang, Elnathan Davis, Dice Crane, Boyd Jackson, Wade Crawford, Ida Crawford, and Ted Crume.

Section 26 of the termination act gave the Secretary of Interior authority to enter into contracts to cover a wide range of programs to help the members of the tribe. Secretary McKay made such a contract with the Superintendent of Public Instruction, (Page 104) Rex Putnam. Putnam, in turn appointed Harvey Wright his long term assistant to carry out the program.

Wright had achieved a distinguished military career in combat and in addition, served as military administrator of a large city in Germany following World War II. He was brought into the State Department of Education performing several duties. As supervisor of Indian Education he immediately fought discriminatory marriage laws and segregated Indian school. He became dedicated to improving Indian economic and social status even adopting an Indian orphan boy. His charges did not always like his ‘strong law’ approach but never doubted his sincere desire to improve their lot.

In discharging his duties under the termination act, Wright wrote on December 31, 1956:

"Perhaps the State of Oregon should take a look at this controversial

legislation. To begin with, it would be well to find out what a

Klamath Indian is, and how and where he lives. Much of the

Klamath story is shrouded in mystery, half truths, double talk,

innuendo, and what one wants to believe. An endeavor has been

made to picture these people as children of nature, living on their

ancestral homeland where they preserve and treasure the culture

of their forefathers. Nothing could be farther from the truth. A

little research will remove the myths surrounding the Indian

people and give a true perspective of the problems they are facing.

"In the first place, there is no reservation for the Klamath Indians –

the Klamath Reservation was established for the Klamath, Modoc,

and Yahooskin Indians. In the second place, one has to stretch his

imagination considerable to call these descendants of the original

reservation ‘Indians’ when there are now only 351 full-blood

Indians, and 1,222 persons with one-half degree of Indian blood

or less. Just why is a man who (Page 105) is seven-eights Swede

and one-eighth Indian legally labeled an Indian? Another

amazing revelation is the fact that in 75.8% of the marriages in

480 families, the spouse is non-Klamath, and in only 24.2% of the

families are both husband and wife Klamath members.

"The very fact that one-third of the Klamaths live away from the

reservation and that the Indian blood is fat thinning out through

intermarriage, throws much different light on the Termination

"Only 158 were 55 years or older census figures clearly reveal." Wright wrote, "The program of termination must be geared to the younger generation. This concentration of tribal members in the younger age group is caused primarily by marriages outside the tribe. About three-fourths of those Klamaths who are married are married to non-Klamaths including some Indians from other tribes."

During nearly all hearings on the termination question was the need for education. Tribal members repeatedly said, ‘give us an education.’ Wright’s major problem was you cannot give an education, nor can you buy an education. It involves first (Page 106) desire for learning, second, enough dedication and self-discipline to go through the difficult and sometimes grinding process.

On March 10, 1955 a contract was signed by the State Department of Education and the Assistant Secretary of Interior to carry out the program. It involved Wright and some personnel in Salem and a local office at Chiloquin. The conditions of the contract involved two major commitments: one, to conduct an informational program for all tribal members so that they fully understood all developments and objectives of the Termination Program. In this aspect of the work a publication called the Klamath Tribune was published and circulated free to all tribal members.

In addition, in June 1956 Wayne Blair, an attorney, operated out of the Salem office as legal coordinator. This position was especially set up to meet the needs created when the informational service was undertaken in June, 1956. Blair was a young Willamette University Law School graduate who was, as the time of his appointment, clerk for an Oregon State Supreme Court justice. Working directly under Wright, Blair was responsible for securing legal information and interpretations relating to Public Law 587, channeling all legal information to the staff for dissemination, securing and providing information on state laws to the Chiloquin staff, answering specific legal questions received from the staff, coordinating legal information with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and coordinating activities with state agencies. Blair worked with the program as Legal Coordinator until May of 1957 when the information program was modified and staff reduced. He was retained for two months operating out of the Chiloquin office, working on a behind-the-scenes, part time, consultative basis directly with the local staff.

On June 1, 1956, this department undertook the responsibility of conducting a program to inform the people of the implications of Public Law 587. It has endeavored to obtain every legal aspect of the Termination Act as it would affect the Klamath People and inform them of their rights and responsibilities (Page 107) as termination progresses. Department representatives have been visiting Indian homes, conducting small group meetings with them and publishing a monthly newspaper to inform them of what is happening. Representatives of this office have personally contacted well over 250 Klamath adults regarding some phase of Public Law 587. Questions about the law have been answered and information gathered from the people, such as their attitude toward the law, and whether they intend to withdraw from or remain in the tribe.

A second extensive and much more difficult program was designed to enable "tribal members" to manage their own affairs. In order to be eligible the Indian should be in need of further education to accomplish this objective. They need not be Oregon residents but must participate in the state of Oregon. An extensive program of grants was established for all types of post high school education.

As for age requirements, it was decided that only individuals who were 18 years of age or older would be eligible, although (Page 108) tribal members under the age of 18 who had completed high school would also be eligible. This policy was in conformity with the state law which made public school attendance compulsory until the child became 18 years of age. We wanted nothing to interfere with public school attendance, and, in fact, cooperated with the school authorities in trying to keep children in school.

Edgar: We are talking about anything that was owned by the Klamath tribe, such as

Howe: Was anyone allowed to bid on this except tribal members?

Edgar: Yes, yes, it was widely advertised as well as were the timbered units in the

Howe: Do you think that the tribe received a fair price for the materials that were bid

under this category?

Edgar: Well, as I stated before, there was no bid received for less than the appraised

Howe: If they were not sufficient amounts bid?

Edgar: That’s right.

Howe: Do you think that more of the items were sold for more than they were worth?

Edgar: Yes, in every instance. The items were bid up a lot higher than the appraised

value, almost in all cases. There were very few cases where they accepted the

Howe: Do you think the fact that they did not have to put up any money had an

Edgar: Yes, I do, because there was not any money exchanged hands at these sales at

Howe: In other words, the sales were quite open and above board? They were

(Photo: Gene Favell of Lakeview, a realtor, attended each meeting of the Management Specialists by driving 200 miles. Favell met many times with Indian leaders to discuss property problems.)

(Page 124)

Edgar: We were all employees of the Bureau of Indian Affairs at the time of the

Howe: Now, the members of the committee, Mr. Watters, was the chairman of the

committee and I am sure that he was very active in seeking to bring about a

Edgar: Yes, Mr. Favell was a resident of Lakeview and he was here at least two times

Howe: In the result of the disposition of the large so called sustained yield units of

Edgar: This is not the impression that I got at the time of the sale. All of those units

Howe: That was mostly jack pine timber in the Chemult area?

Edgar: Yes, it was.

Howe: Well, now, don’t you think that it was because they felt they could not bid the

minimum set on the appraisal and come out on it?

Edgar: This was of course out and out sales of both land and timber where the timber

mills in the local area could buy just the timber without having to pay for the

Howe: In the process of determining the attitude of the Indians toward the

Edgar: Yes, the very first contract that the management specialist signed was with

Stanford Research Institute for the purpose of making an attitude survey of

Howe: It was felt that the study would not be objective I suppose in view of the

Edgar: Because – that’s right.

Howe: Well, the word of course that I have received is that the members of the tribe

Edgar: The records that I sent to the archives at the close of the termination will

Howe: In other words, if they didn’t vote to get out and take their money, they would

automatically continue to be a member?

Howe: All right, now how did you make sure that the individual members of the tribe

Edgar: We mailed individual ballots complete with information sheets to each and

Howe: So that you had a remarkably good coverage of the tribal members.

Edgar: Yes, we did. 100% in fact, except for that one woman. Many of these were

Howe: Regardless of the failure of the Stanford Research Attitude survey, it was

Edgar: A very large majority of the people elected to withdraw and receive their

Howe: Then there was obviously an overwhelming attitude that favored receiving the

assets and pulling out of the tribe? (Page 128)

Edgar: Absolutely.

Howe: Now, the management of the assets of the remaining members, how was this

determined?

Edgar: The management plan was drawn numerous times and rewritten and rewritten

again with lots of meetings and input from the various banks that might be

interested in managing this property. After the management plan was in its

Howe: How long after the management trusteeship to the bank, how long did the

Edgar: The management plan itself called for an election of the members every 5

Howe: I guess very few wanted to continue.

Edgar: I have no idea, because of course, that was all handled by the U.S. Bank and I

Howe: It must have been a very bewildering task given the size and complexity of

Edgar: Carrol, about the time that the attitude survey was terminated, the

Howe: You started working for the management specialist shortly after this was

Edgar: I was hired by the management specialist in July of 1955. The law was

Howe: And when did your work terminate with the management people?

Edgar: My job terminated in October 1958 when the management specialist contract

Howe: The Bureau of Indian Affairs actually conducted the sale of the timber units.

Edgar: Yes. Yes.

Howe: So that there never was any question of selfish interest?

Howe: In conducting the sale of the properties for the Bureau of Indian Affairs do

Edgar: Yes, all the items that were sold at personal property were advertised and the

Indians themselves received copies of the advertisement and some of these

Edgar: Everything that belonged to the Klamath Indian tribe. Such as typewriters,

In addition to making provisions for tribal properties and education, public

The new law directed the secretary of interior to give each tribal member

unrestricted control of the funds and property held in trust, to remove all

restrictions on sale or encumbrances of trust on land except sub surface

To protect owners the law stated that "if partition is not practical the secretary

This enabled many of the heirs to receive their share of assets from the

During the process of termination the management specialists were beset by

On May 18, 1958 an executive committee was elected consisting of: Seldon

Howe: Lawrence, do you want to lead into how you became involved in the process?

Shaw: Yes, thank you Carrol. I would be glad to recall the story. About 30 years

Howe: Lawrence, did you run into some opposition to the proposal anywhere?

Howe: I was under the impression that it was just impossible to buy the timber at the

Shaw: Well, that was the core of the problem. We knew by other sales going

However, we were expecting, and as events turned out to some extent

Howe: I gather that you originally proposed this plan of creating a new forest and

Shaw: I brought up the subject and gave that background my opinion as a practicing

lumberman and it was received by these people with pleasure and the future

events with considerable time and work by them. However, it was the germ

of the idea that evening at the meeting of this group that later went to

Some of us almost went into shock when we found out that Tom Watters was

willing to accept public ownership. He had always been such an advocate of

private ownership that I think that it is a compliment to him to think that after

taking such a strong position that he was willing to change his mind when he

saw the economics of the situation.

Well, I think most of the people there did. I would say it was a group of

Republicans. They were all sensible people and they knew the realities. They

respected the forest service. They knew the economic situation was in a

Howe: And it was higher than the normal commercial price would be?

Shaw: It was much higher and speculative buyers could come in and probably could

borrow the money and if they were betting on the inflation they could come

Howe: Did you find, where did you find your greatest cooperation in the

Shaw: Yes, Senator Neuberger carried the ball as time when on and Senator Morse

At one time we thought of the Department of Interior in this connection

Howe: Well, I certainly thank you for the interview and I am real proud of you, of

Those who had know Tom Watters over the years were quite surprised at this

Attitude toward federal purchase of the tribal properties as he had long been a

Advocate of private ownership. He placed public benefit above political

philosophy and carried the message to Washington. (Page 138) On May 21,

This proposal proved to be popular with state and local official and especially

On April 8, 1960 the executive committee of the tribe passed a resolution to

One Klamath Indian, Edison Chiloquin, a grandson of one of the treaty

"Looking Back"

(This chapter is word for word as published)

(Page 139) The year is 1961. The Secretary of Agriculture took possession of the tribal property units not sold to private buyers creating the Winema National Forest. The Secretary of Interior issued a proclamation terminating supervision of the tribe.

Moneys were given immediately to the withdrawing Indians; the remaining members received tribal lands and assets in payment. The trust for care of the properties was administered by the United States National Bank. Members had the option of terminating the trust at the end of each five year period. At the end of the first period they elected to continue the trust. At the end of the second period the majority chose to terminate the trust and receive the money.

In the meantime the Siletz and others had asked Congress to restore the tribe and the Klamath did likewise. On August 27, 1986 the tribal status was restored and offices for the tribe and Bureau of Indian Affairs opened at Chiloquin. My official contacts with the groups had long since ended. Why the Indians has asked for restoration of government supervision I did not know until at a historical meeting in Yreka, California. I heard a lady, young, personable, and blonde who was seeking people who might be an eighth or more Shasta Indian. She was seeking to form a tribe. When asked the reason, she stated that there were many benefits, principally health, but others also, including (Page 140) jobs, educational opportunities and social contacts. With such results it was easy to see why the Klamaths who had been experts at working in the system were eager to take advantage of the opportunity. My question then – who started the termination movement in the first place?

On January 14,1986 I met with Mr. Wright with that question. His answer:

"The way this started out, Tommy Thompson, a graduate from Oregon

State who was a Grand Ronde Indian, he got a hold of the governors

office and said, ‘We want to get out from under the Federal Government.’

He said, ‘I have a college education.’ He was superintendent of the

biggest lumber company on the coast, and an ex-football player and so

on and so the governor called a meeting over there, McKay did. Tom McCall

was in the office at the time and brought Indians in from various places

in the state. Their representatives and I attended this meeting and Coquell,

said, ‘and now I just want one thing, I want to get the hell out of the Federal

Government, got no business there,’ and he said, ‘and I can do the same

thing that other people can and I am not Indian anyway.’ And he had several

more people from his tribe there and the Klamath were represented by Wade

Crawford and Boyd Jackson and I think probably Dibbon Cook was there and

then some of these other things came up and he said, ‘Now my God we are

suppose to be citizens of the state, we want to get rid of these discriminatory

laws.’ And Phil Hitchcock was there from Klamath I think. I am sure he

Howe: How did you make it in your efforts to desegregate the schools to get, how

did you get along with the people on that score?

Wright: Well, there is always a certain amount of objection that we don’t want our

kids to go to school with those dirty Indians and there is a general

prejudice throughout the world against anybody in a different class,

whether Indian or anybody else. But we just went ahead and there was one

thing about it, there was nobody better to work with then Rex Putman. In

fact, he just turned it over to me and you couldn’t have handled the job I

had which was working.

Howe: Now did you find pretty good cooperation from these various governors that

You worked with on getting the discriminatory laws repealed?

Wright: Oh, yes. Good Lord, all the governors were very good on that. In fact, the

Attorney General didn’t know what the discriminatory laws were until they

started looking them up, they didn’t, it just suddenly grew up. They supposed

that an Indian out here had the same rights, privileges and responsibilities

that we do.

Howe: It grew out of the Old West. (Page 142)

Wright: That’s right.

Howe: Which governors do you think had the most interest in the total problem of

the ones you worked with?

Wright: Well, McKay did, as long as he was in there, because it was forced on him.

Howe: Actually from the standpoint of the governors that you have worked with,

you have run into no real opposition to your programs?

Wright: No, it there had been any opposition, I would have gotten out of there.

Howe: At one time you were telling me the objective of the Bureau of Indian Affairs

was to preserve the Indian culture?

Wright: You talk about their native culture they have now in California. I read in

Howe: I once took a couple of Indian girls into see one of our men who was a former

governor. Now, they were all dressed up in nice Indian suits, plains Indian

dress and he said, "Well, I would like to see you girls learn to weave these

baskets and do these things. You could make a lot of money from the

tourist industry." Of course, neither he nor the girls knew that it would

probably take a week to gather the stuff to make them and then Lord

knows how long to dry it and to prepare it and to weave it and then you

got through you would have a months work (Page 143) into two or three

Indian baskets that you would have a hard time selling for probably $50.00.

I know of no one, either Indian or white, who was more dedicated to the

improvement of American Indian education, economy and life than Harvey

Wright. He deplored efforts of those who wanted to teach Indian youngsters

to be Indian. He ridiculed the efforts in California where they had to go out

and virtually invent Indian languages for kids to learn. His entire thrust was

to make them effective and competitive in a modern economy and society

rather than museum pieces for anthropologists to study.

As a public school administrator it was possible to observe some of the

difficulties experienced by Indian youngsters that might not occur to others.

If my children were American Indians I would counsel them as follows: You

can take great price in being an American Indian. They have survived in